Women’s Suffrage in Mexico Meets the 2024 Election

Introduction

Examining the history of women’s suffrage in Mexico over the last 70 years reveals a complex journey marked by courage, resilience, and the unwavering dedication of countless women. June 2024 represents a pivotal moment: Two major political coalitions have nominated women as their candidates, raising the prospect of Mexico electing its first female president. This historical juncture invites reflection on the past and acknowledgment of women’s crucial role in the political landscape. While recognizing the progress made, this forthcoming political milestone highlights the need for advancing discourse on women’s equality and gender issues in the lead-up to the 2024 election and beyond.

Vania Ramírez Camacho, professor at the Tecnológico de Monterrey and visiting scholar at the Center for the U.S. and Mexico, spoke at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy on Nov. 29, 2023, to mark the 70th anniversary of women’s suffrage in Mexico. She reflected on the role that women have played in Mexico’s elections since 1953 and discussed the challenges that remain today. According to Ramírez Camacho, the 2024 presidential election marks a significant stage in the progress of women’s voting rights Mexico, prompting consideration of its potential impacts on gender equality.

This issue brief summarizes Ramírez Camacho's discussion at the Baker Institute and includes a transcript of her question-and-answer session with audience members.

Women in Mexican History 

Women have played an important role throughout Mexican history. During the Mexican War of Independence and the Mexican Revolution, women soldiers — referred to as “soldaderas” in Spanish — fought alongside men. In the post-revolution era, courageous women achieved a degree of recognition through their outspoken personalities and professional careers, discussing and promoting gender equality while influencing and motivating other women.

In 1916, the First Feminist Congress took place in Mérida, Yucatán, with 620 delegates in attendance. Hermila Galindo’s famous text, “Women in the Future,” was featured — advocating for sex education, legal rights, employment opportunities, and secularity. For some attendees, these topics seemed radical and well ahead of their time. Even so, in the last session of the congress, some delegates submitted a proposal to modify the Constitution of the State of Yucatan to allow women’s suffrage. It worked. Elvia Carrillo Puerto, Beatriz Peniche Barrera, and Raquel Dzib Cicero became the first women elected to the state legislature in Yucatan.

In 1922, Rosa Torre González became the first woman in Mexico to hold elective office, winning a city council seat in Mérida. She also became an icon of the local struggles for women equality.

These local achievements laid the groundwork for women’s rights movements in Mexico. Moreover, the campaign for women’s suffrage also began at the local level. These early accomplishments eventually turned into a national struggle for inclusion at the ballot box — something that would not be fully achieved until 1953.

In the seven decades since they gained the right to vote, Mexican women have made significant strides toward gender equality, but challenges remain.

Women-Focused Electoral Reforms

While Mexico’s journey toward recognizing women as full political actors spanned decades, there were earlier attempts:

• Although President Lázaro Cárdenas del Rio’s 1937 initiative for women's suffrage did not succeed, it laid the groundwork for subsequent attempts.
• Another pivotal effort at legislative change came in 1947, when President Miguel Alemán proposed a constitutional amendment to grant women the right to participate in municipal elections.

Eventually the 1953 constitutional reform extended women's political rights beyond suffrage, recognizing them as equal citizens entitled to active political participation participants — able to vote and stand for election.

However, the establishment of Mexican women’s right to vote did not, in practice, immediately translate into equitable representation. In the following decades, legislation on gender quotas and affirmative action measures was enacted to achieve a degree of equal representation. In the mid-1990s, for example, legislative reforms progressively increased the minimum female representation in Congress, from 15% in 1996 to 40% by 2008.

Despite the implementation of quotas for women in elected positions, there were ways to skirt the law. In Mexico every candidate for office must list a substitute — the idea being that if the original candidate becomes unable to serve through illness or other reasons, an alternate is available without need for an additional election — and women who won their contest were often asked to step down in favor of their substitute, presumably a man. To prevent this happening, stricter regulations about substitutes needed to be passed.

The political reform of 2014, however, marked a decisive step forward. It included a constitutional amendment mandating 50% gender parity in candidate nominations for federal and local congressional elections. This obligated political parties to actively ensure equal representation of women in the electoral process — which, in theory, would give women a fair shot at equal representation in elected positions. In 2019, this legal demand for parity was expanded to encompass other political leadership positions, thus solidifying Mexico’s global leadership position at number four in promoting gender equality within its political structure.

The Role of Women Today

When examining gender parity in Mexican political leadership today, women occupy a considerable number of posts in President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s executive cabinet, Congress, and the Supreme Court — as well as in state and local governments. Clearly, there has been a significant increase in women’s visibility in politics since 1953.

A crucial question remains: Does this visibility in political leadership translate into tangible improvements in the lives of all Mexican women? Although there are more female politicians, any correlation between women’s influence and rights advancement, gender parity, and overall quality of life remains uncertain. The upcoming election features women in an unprecedented number of races — 500 deputies, 128 senators, 9 governorships, and around 20,000 local positions. But the focus should extend beyond representation and look at women’s impact in shaping equality and equity in the nation — the goal is to go beyond the numbers and translate equal representation into power parity.

As the June 2024 election approaches, there is enormous potential for women to assert their voice and effect meaningful change in Mexico’s political landscape. With women constituting 51% of the electorate, they have substantial influence. It is worth noting, however, that despite women gaining the right to vote in 1953, only six have been nominated for president:

• Rosario Ibarra de Piedra (1982 and 1988).
• Cecilia Soto González and Marcela Lombardo Otero (1994).
• Dora Patricia Mercado Castro (2006).
• Josefina Vázquez Mota (2012).
• Margarita Ester Zavala Gómez del Campo (2018).

These numbers highlight the need to address persistent barriers to entry, especially at the highest levels of politics.

Today, Mexico stands at the cusp of a transformative moment. This calls for greater vigilance — evaluating the quantity and the efficacy of women's participation in shaping a more inclusive and equitable future for all identities and groups in Mexico.

The 2024 Election

For the first time in the country’s history, two female candidates are running for presidential election. Both candidates are fascinating individuals with different personalities, strengths, and weaknesses that are certain to be questioned during the presidential campaign.

Claudia Sheinbaum

Claudia Sheinbaum, candidate for Movimiento Regeneración Nacional [National Regeneration Movement] (MORENA), is thus far the front-runner to replace President López Obrador — who is likely to mobilize the full support of the state political machine in her favor. She has a solid academic background in environmental science and energy engineering. She was also Mexico City’s first female mayor, from 2018 until her resignation this year.

But her promise of continuity will lead the electorate to question whether the legacy of López Obrador is truly desirable. And because she has been reticent about her own public policy positions, many Mexicans ask: Who is the real Sheinbaum? How will she manage to define her own platform, separating herself from López Obrador, given that he is her mentor and hand-picked her as his successor?

Xóchitl Gálvez

On the other hand, former senator Xóchitl Gálvez is identified with Partido Acción Nacional [National Action Party] (PAN), although she is the candidate of the broader Fuerza y Corazón por México [Strength and Heart for Mexico] coalition. Established in June 2023, it is a political alliance between three political parties: PAN, El Partido Revolucionario Institucional [Institutional Revolutionary Party] (PRI), and Partido de la Revolución Democrática [Democratic Revolution Party] (PRD).

She positions herself as a liberal progressive, with full support from this three-party coalition, and her humble origins resonate with most Mexicans. The daughter of an indigenous school teacher, Gálvez moved to Mexico City to study, became an engineer, and later created her own company. But an important question remains: How is she going to combine three different parties into a strong coalition that can effectively campaign against López Obrador and his candidate, Sheinbaum? 

Addressing Gender Equity Issues

Comprehensive health care, education systems, and security — especially for women — should be front and center during this election. Given the feminization of poverty in Mexico, issues of gender equity should be focal points for each candidate’s policy proposals.

As yet, neither candidate has clearly defined their plans — in fact they have said very little about actual policy at all. Whoever wins must create and design a comprehensive set of policies that go beyond electoral propaganda and take effective action that will have an impact on the lives of Mexican women.

Question-and-Answer Session with Vania Ramírez Camacho

The following is a transcript of the question-and-answer session held with Ramírez Camacho on Nov. 29, 2023, at the Baker Institute.

Q: I am going to start from a position of skepticism in terms of the achievements of women in Mexico. Women in Mexico have been climbing toward parity. As you said [before], Mexico is now a country to reference in terms of gender parity in terms of numbers. Do women really, truly make a difference in power when you have femicides and violence against women at the highest level? Women in congress [are] voting as the presidents tell them to vote, rather than in favor of women’s rights and a feminist agenda. … So, what difference have women really made? I’m skeptical of the idea that numbers matter when it comes to representation, given that women have shown as much self-subjugation to the power structures that be as men do.

A: I agree with you. I think it is central that we, as a society, reflect on this. Our role is to be vigilant and informed about this, and we live in a country that is largely male dominated with an entrenched paternalistic culture that has kept women out of politics. … [Just] because there [are] women in these leadership positions does not necessarily translate into actions. … It is important for us, as a society, to press [and] have a clear idea of what our representatives are doing. How are they voting when there’s a policy that affects [us]? So, I think the feminine [side] is just the tip of the iceberg, but I think it is crucial. This is where we need to be informed, in terms of these electoral platforms that each candidate will [propose]. It will be important that we are clear that it is not just because they are women; it means that they will exercise power in a different way.

Q: Now that brings me to the candidacy of Claudia Sheinbaum because I think there are more questions about her independence than [Xóchitl] Gálvez. Ultimately, she is her own woman, and she caught the other parties by surprise. She’s leading a coalition. It’s tough. Her personal history speaks for her ability to exercise leadership and think independently, but Sheinbaum was personally hand-picked by López Obrador. She was selected by him. She parrots whatever the president says, and recently she essentially said that her government program was going to be exactly what López Obrador has been doing in the last five years. So, what can we possibly expect of a potential administration under Sheinbaum if the [former] president is going to be breathing on her neck all the time and ensuring she stays loyal to whatever vision of the country he has? She was not somebody who actually went mano a mano [hand to hand] with other candidates in the MORENA side of the aisle but was instead pushed through by the president himself. I think that gives us a lot of pause about how she might really govern and whether she is truly a woman of her own.

A: Yes, I think that is something that will need to be reflected on because I think this continuity on one hand will allow her to keep the hard-mainstream supporters. But at the same time … there is clear discontent or disenchantment about this administration, especially with the youth and younger generations that have witnessed the peaks of violence. There is no clear transformation in the realities of the people in Mexico because we’re seeing the same problems. It will be important for us to question where the line is that Claudia will create her own agenda and policies. How will she be able to separate from López Obrador? This is going to be one of the central questions of these next months, in terms of how she will be able to create her own personal agenda in different topics in energy policy, fiscal policy, and gender issues. I think that is where we are going to have to be really attentive to the type of proposals; because if it's going to be continuing with the same, there are going to be groups in society that will [create change]. 

Q: Women are 51% of the electorate, but do they vote really differently? Have you noticed, in the evidence of how women vote as opposed to men, that they actually make a difference? Or do they exhibit the same electoral patterns as men? In 1953, which was a watershed year, one of the reasons why the dominant party [PRI] in Mexico opposed women’s suffrage was because they thought that women might vote differently. Yet to their own surprise, when women began to vote exactly the same [way] as men, they also exercised power exactly the same as men. So, do they really make a difference in the polls? Do women really exhibit different electoral behaviors than men?

A: The fact that women go and decide to vote is one central point. At least in the last elections, we could see a slight difference. … Clientelist and paternalistic characteristics in our society are interesting in our understanding of how people vote. I want to show the importance of the young generations in this election and the way we should expect these candidates to accommodate this reality. … There’s a clear sense of distrust. … [Candidates] need to break from this and make different dynamics to attract [the younger generation’s] attention. They [need to] see the possibility of a different Mexico, where their needs are central to the platform. I will not say there are really important differences between the way women and men vote. I think the need to incorporate and create clear strategies to make these people participate in the elections will be central for any of the candidates for [this] election.

Q: I feel that if we talk about the younger generations, I’ve seen some great impact with the new candidate Samuel García. So how do you think that he could affect younger generations? How does his platform and social media strategy change the game for 2024?

A: Samuel represents the outlier. He is the one that will represent the opposite views of these two traditional politicians. The possibility of attracting an electorate that is not convinced by the fact we have a woman president could be one point. It is important in a world that reversals are realistic. There are really conservative groups in our society that would not support women because they believe that women have different roles. So, I think Samuel will surprise us — due to giving a voice to generations because of the dynamics that he uses and the type of resources and tools that he uses for his campaign. For example, the use of social media which is a different type of campaign is appealing to that younger generation. I think it has to do with the format and the ways he does it, but most importantly the content of the proposals is what matters.

Q: Not also him as a candidate, but I’ve seen a lot of young people in social media conversations being pro-Mariana Rodríguez as the first woman president. So now she [is] taking and maybe elevating that position of power.

A: Definitely. So that’s a duo that we have to be looking at. Maybe that will be another conversation that we will have in the future.

Q: Looking ahead, not necessarily this cycle of presidential elections, but the next one [approximately] six or seven years from now. During your investigation, did you see any upcoming female candidate that will break the barriers that exist at this moment? Do you see that happening in the following election?

A: To set all this pressure on one person is extremely difficult because there’s a system of structural barriers that we, as a society, need to change. We will need to transform the way we think about this. So, I think it will be the work of us from our different trenches. From academia, civil society, and NGOs to really understand that citizenship is not just to remember that every six years we have a major duty and responsibility to go to the ballots and exercise our right to vote, but that we have obligations that will need to be persistent. There is tension in terms of demanding transparency and accountability from our leaders. Not just someone in the executive but on a daily basis from our representatives in Congress. We all have major responsibilities including men and women and all different identities. 

Conclusion

While significant progress has been made in Mexico’s political landscape, there are still many challenges ahead. Transforming numbers into actual power to change society is still a pending task. The forthcoming 2024 election, nonetheless, presents an opportunity to continue this discourse and to ensure that women's voices and issues are heard and addressed. Reflecting on the past and acknowledging the crucial role that women have played in Mexican history is essential in this ongoing journey toward greater equality and representation, in tandem with effective structural changes.

 

 

This material may be quoted or reproduced without prior permission, provided appropriate credit is given to the author and Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy. The views expressed herein are those of the individual author(s), and do not necessarily represent the views of Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy.